Introduction
The Cuban American National Council noted in 1989 that the media had
"discovered" the numerical strength of Hispanics during the 1980s. Many
predicted that Hispanics would become a powerful political and social force due
to their growing presence in America. The report, however, bemoans the fact
that the hoped for "decade of Hispanics" did not occur:
Indeed, though comparable numerically to the African-American population, 22.3 million to 30 million respectively (Census), Hispanics trailed the African- American community in 1992 population educational profiles reported by the Census Bureau (United States 2-5). The poverty rate for Hispanics, though lower than Blacks overall, equals or exceeds that of Blacks when analyzed by type of household (United States 19). Three times more Hispanics drop out of school ("Dropout").
As the second largest minority in the country, Hispanics (or Latinos as some prefer) have not been particularly visible in the media nor particularly powerful. In 1984, actor Ricardo Montalban declared "We are the largest invisible minority, we Latins, and I think it is time for us to be visible" (88). He reported 1981-82 figures from the Screen Actor's Guild indicating that Latinos captured only 5.6 percent of all roles cast in television and film, while Blacks accounted for 12.1 percent. These figures were constant for the previous ten years, he asserted (76). He explained the discrepancy:
Later studies continued to find the same result. The National Hispanic Leadership Conference in 1988 found that "Hispanics are largely ignored by television or depicted in ways which perpetuate negative stereotypes, especially of women" (Agenda 68). In 1989, Steenland studied the ethnicity of characters on television entertainment programs and found that "almost all minority characters on television are Black" (abs.).
The record for films featuring Hispanics is spotty. Aiex notes that musicals with Latin themes and locales were prevalent in the 1940s but then decreased (4,12). Lopez attributes the filmic focus on positive relations with Latin Americans to economic and political necessity. "Concerns about our Southern neighbors' dubious political allegiances and the safety of U.S. investments in Latin America led to a resurrection of the long-dormant Good Neighbor Policy" (407).
More recently, Latinos have been seen on the screen, but not altogether positively. In 1990, for example, four of the five top grossing films available on video involve a Latino character or locale in some way, but the portrayals are mostly negative. Born on the 4th of July features Hispanic whores; the "red light district" in Blue Steel is Hispanic; and Hispanic thugs rob a grocery store in Hard to Kill. The characters in Stella sing a Spanish song when faced with the possibility of going to Florida, but that is the extent of anything remotely connected to Latinos (Top '90:23).
In 1991, top grossing films available on video (Top '91) that included Hispanics were down to two. The guardian of Sara's weapons cache in Terminator II was Hispanic, and the name of one of the characters in The Addams Family is Gomez. In contrast, Robin Hood features a Black as co- star, Silence of the Lambs spotlights Native Americans; and City Slickers, which takes place in New Mexico, does not include a single Latino.
This bleak picture of a large marginalized group lacking social and political visibility is offset slightly by, a number of popular films with distinctly Latino themes and/or stars towards the end of the decade. These were Milagro Beanfield War and La Bamba in 1987; Salsa and Stand and Deliver in 1988; Old Gringo and Romero in 1989; Q&A, and Revenge in 1990; and Havana in 1991.
Q&A and Revenge are drug running stories, but the others involve more positive themes. Milagro is the story of a New Mexican farmer's battle with an Anglo developer over water rights. La Bamba transfers the life of Richie Valens to the screen, while Salsa focuses on a dancer's fight for recognition. Stand and Deliver tells the real-life story of a gifted teacher and his advanced placement calculus class of teens from the barrio. Old Gringo and Havana center on the Mexican and Cuban revolutions respectively, and Romero treats the murder of a Catholic archbishop in El Salvador.
These films depart from the stereotypical images of Hispanics that Berg lists in films of the past: el bandido, the half-breed harlot, the male buffoon, the female clown, the latin lover, and the dark lady (294-296). In the films of the late 1980s, however, a new character seems to appear: the liberator. Whether it be through the commitment and passion of Romero in the film of the same name, Joe Mondragon in Milagro, or math teacher Jaime Escalante in Stand and Deliver, or through the revolutionaries of Old Gringo and Havana, Latinos are freed from political or social bondage. Perhaps years of Hispanic subordination make freedom a potent and compelling theme for them.
The conquest of Hispanic cultures by foreigners lies at the heart of the liberation theme. Each film can be read as an attempt to break the dominance of the powerful and to give voice to the oppressed. They call Latinos out of the shadows into a future under their own control.
These films also offer the viewer a picture of Latino life as viewed by Hollywood. The authenticity of the image, however, is open to question. Lopez maintains that the film colony functions as ethnographer, not as photographer:
This paper will address the "articulation of forms of difference" in one Latino themed film, The Milagro Beanfield War. The analysis will cover the political, sociocultural, and religious portraits Hollywood has created, then discuss the implications of the resulting picture. The political portrait will focus on the relationship between the dominant and minority culture; the sociocultural portrait will investigate the relationships and distribution of power among members of the community; and the religious portrait will explore the spiritual influence pervading the society.
The Milagro Beanfield War
This film, directed by Robert Redford and produced by his Sundance Institute,
is based on a 1974 novel by John Nichols. It embroiders many threads of Latin
American life into the story of a farmer in Milagro, New Mexico, Joe Mondragon,
who diverts water bound for a resort development onto his own parched
beanfield. Ruby, the owner of the town's auto repair garage, mobilizes the
community to back Mondragon and to fight Ladd Devine, the developer. At issue
is the future of a simple, rural, and spiritually based way of life. The story
is suffused with mysticism and relies on the connivance of a sombrero clad
angel who influences various events in the story.
Political Portrait:
The film condemns the "progress" that would force everyone to desert the town
as development spreads. The message is clear: By returning to the ways of the
elders the community (culture) will live. The past is symbolized by "the oldest
man in Milagro" who dispenses practical advice (like how to prevent scorpions
from getting in your shoes) and who practices a personal piety all but
abandoned by others in Milagro. He bemoans the pace of modern life, "People
have forgotten how to talk with angels and saints; they're the only ones around
with time to spare." His personal sacrifice leads to the ultimate victory over
the developer.
The story is a microcosm of the larger battle between Mexico and the United States, the encroachment of gentrified, industrial America onto land that has belonged to the poor for generations. The chasm of social class is highlighted clearly when the developer entertains prospective purchasers in his palatial home. The water needed for Joe Mondragon's livelihood will be used to supply the homes of these rich sophisticates and maintain their lush golf course, while the tightly knit community of Milagro disappears. Milagro will be replaced by a simulacrum, to use Baudriflard's term (Denzin 30), yet another ersatz Southwestern suburban ghetto.
The film champions the virtues of the poor, who take pleasure in dancing and singing, who occupy their time doing honest work, and who stick up for each other when the chips are down. Vilified are those cigar-champing, power-hungry, resource-wasting bureaucrats and moguls who rape the land and destroy communities.
In his review in the New Republic, Kauffmann punctures Redford's romanticized vision of the simple life with a telling observation:
Redford admits his oppositional intent. In an interview with Cineaste reporter, Mikelle Cosandaey, he states, "It [the story] also had all these connections with things that I care about-the little guy against the big powers that overwhelm him. Particularly a culture, a situation that involves the possible squeezing out of a culture, part of our heritage, by development, profit. It's the David and Goliath context that I like" (8).
Opposed as this message may seem to that of the dominant culture, there is also something patronizing about a wealthy movie star telling poor Latinos they will be better off remaining the way they are. Fitzgerald notes: "An interesting paradox is that the most vocal champions of cultural revivals are almost always the educated elites among such minorities. This is paradoxical because the slogans of "ethnogenesis" are formulated by the very people farthest removed from their traditional culture" (200-01). Responding to Roosens' link between cultural battles and economics, Fitzgerald adds: "This economic theory suggests that claims for `revivals' based on reputed tradition rely on a substantial degree of economic security"(201).
Rainer, in his review of the film for the Los Angeles Herald Examiner, concurs:
Milagro can be read as a subtle message from the dominant culture that "progress" is the privilege of the Anglo and "no foreigners need apply." In Redford's defense, however, when faced with an incident similar to that in the film, he bowed gracefully. Redford had planned to shoot the picture in the town of Chimayo, but when a group of residents protested because of the threat to their way of life, he moved the shoot to Truchas (Ansen 69).
Socio-cultural Portrait
The ideologue in the film is Ruby, the woman who owns the town garage. In this
patriarchal society, Redford portrays the women as risk takers who care
passionately about preserving home, tradition, and community. Their concerns,
dismissed by the male power brokers in the community, prove to make a
difference in the life of Milagro.
Ruby organizes the petition drive in support of the embattled farmer. At the town meeting to discuss the issue however, she does not serve as chair because, as one resident comments, "You can't have a woman as president." But she does enlist the aid of a jaded former activist lawyer who reluctantly defends Mondragon after the farmer accidentally shoots the "oldest man in Milagro." The women are willing to sign Ruby's petition against the developer, while the men are not. Men are shown idling in the general store, and they would do nothing to defend Mondragon's diversion of the water were they not stirred up by Ruby. Actually, not until the "enforcer" sent by the Governor begins to harass Mondragon are the men galvanized into action.
The presence of the lawyer in the town recalls the idealism of the sixties. That ethic, the film intimates, is now tarnished by the value system of individualistic, profit-oriented interlopers. A disenchanted Charlie Bloom has gone to Milagro in order to flee the future, to return to the land, and to live simply. He argues with Ruby about the protest meeting she has called: "It's not the sixties anymore; nobody gives a shit anymore."
The governors detective, Kyfil Montana, symbolizes Anglo ignorance of the minority culture. When Ruby writes an article about her town meeting for the town's hand-delivered newspaper, the detective attempts to prevent the paper's distribution. "Do you know the routes of his trucks?" he asks.
Montana's attempts to blend in with the locals in his government-issue car are unsuccessful; they spot the pretense immediately. Denying the prevailing middle class view of the gullible "hayseed," the film indicates those close to the land can easily see through lies and set ups.
When the men of the town gather to defend Mondragon from the police, some buy bullets for their guns with food stamps. The dominant culture might argue that this is an inappropriate use of the stamps, but from the standpoint of the town, the beanfield represents their ability to provide for themselves. The interpretations of Washington, D.C. are not always those of the minority culture.
The villagers, with the exception of Ruby and Joe, are not inclined to fight the system. Perhaps this is because of Catholic training that stresses the redemptive nature of trials. Catholics are encouraged to "offer up" their sufferings and join them to those of Jesus to atone for their sins. Perhaps this reaction is merely resignation to the historical awareness that others, from political conquerors to clerical moralists, have often been in charge of the destiny of the Latino peoples.
The only explanation Joe has for his actions is weariness: "I'm always too tired, too broke; it's always something." After battling the developer (aptly named Devine) who frames him, he continues: "I'll stop when I think I'm doing the wrong thing. Nobody would do anything if they knew what they were in for."
The people of Milagro are kind to each other and tolerant of those who are a little strange, such as an old woman who pitches stones at passersby, and Cordova, who converses with the "air" (actually, of course, Coyote Angel). They band together as one people to fight the adversary; not one hero, but many acting in concert. Again, this may spring from their spiritual heritage, which emphasizes the oneness experienced at worship as the bread and the cup are shared at Communion.
Joe and his wife share a positive, respectful relationship. He is able to share his frustration with life, and she is able to speak directly of her fears. Their relationship is not drawn with much detail, but it is obvious that it is valuable to them both. This is in stark contrast to the relationship between the developer and his wife: Devine is obviously in charge and she is relatively vacuous and ineffectual.
Religious Portrait
The presence of the spiritual world is very obvious in this film. Redford, in
an interview with American Film explains that he deliberately tried to educate
Anglos about the Latino culture:
Science is debunked in the person of Herbie Platt who commits the mortal sin of becoming involved with his subject. Platt is a sociology student from NYU who has come to Milagro to conduct research. He interviews Amarante Cordova, "the oldest man in Milagro," who explains his own devotion to the saints. He regularly offers tamales to them in his house in front of an altar covered with burning candles.
Platt is skeptical and, in notes to himself, categorizes Catholics as "superstitious." When Cordova is shot however, Platt's academic distance and judgmental attitude are compromised. Not finding any tamales, he offers tacos (a more mainstream Anglo taste/gesture?) to the statue of the "patron saint of hopeless cases" who, he hopes, will intervene on the old man's behalf. Though Herbie Platt dismisses the pious practices of Cordova as "idol worship," he appropriates the old man's faith when he prays for him to recover, and the viewer is left to connect the prayer with Cordova's subsequent recovery.
Coyote Angel is the "deus ex machina" that orchestrates the eventual outcome of the battle over development. Milagro's angel leaps throughout the town in sandals and sombrero playing the concertina. He is a lighthearted being who is a wise, good friend who plays chess with Cordova and intervenes when necessary. As Healy notes in the Los Angeles Daily News,
The film juxtaposes a sudden wind that scatters the newspapers containing Ruby's town meeting announcement throughout the town with the appearance of Coyote Angel.
The relationship between the angel and Cordova is a metaphor of the larger relationship between God and his creation. The two play chess, a game only those who are willing to spend time with each other can play, which is also, the mystics assert, the only way one can come to know God. The interaction between the two characters recalls the human/divine move- countermove that life often seems to be. Cordova is the only one willing to play his part in the game; he is the only one who can see (or who has taken the time to see) the angel.
In the film's final scene, as Coyote leads Cordova away from the beanfield and presumably to heaven, he confides to the old man, "I hate beans; I'd rather have steak." From the vantage point of the bean-eating poor, perhaps God is an American after all.
Though the film takes the presence of the spiritual world seriously, the earthly Church is ignored. The only time the Catholic church makes an appearance is when the building is used for the town meeting and when the villagers, including the priest, appear at the beanfield to harvest the beans. Joe Mondragon's wife, Nancy, kisses a crucifix hanging on the wall before going to bed, but Joe does not. Religion in this film, as in much of Hispanic culture, is reserved for a woman and an old man.
Discussion
This film presents the portrait of a people who, if weren't for interference
from outsiders, would be content. This picture could possibly be a product of
Redford's longing for a time that never was, much as writers at one time
presented the image of the "happy slave;" it could be an oppositional text from
a man who truly fears the change that accompanies "progress;" or it might be an
authentic translation of the spirit of a people who refuse to be
subordinated.
The picture was made in the hope that it would both reveal the heart and soul of a people:
That sentiment, though admirable, is also costly because the picture was made against a backdrop of rejection by most Hollywood studios who saw little chance of it being a commercial hit. As it turned out, they were right. Milagro opened in less than 100 theaters (Quintero) and though accompanied by massive publicity, the critics were not enthusiastic. The bottom line question, of course, is whether or not Milagro is a true representation of the culture it wishes to preserve, and whether or not those who dwell within it are as interested as Robert Redford in remaining a part of it. Those who have voted with their feet might argue about his concern.
Implications
The Hollywood Latino featured in Milagro is poor. In this film there is an
implied suggestion that aspiring to the middle class brings out the worst in
people, and that to be poor and humble is better than to be rich and rude. The
system is the villain. The developer is so flatly drawn that the viewer remains
uninvolved with him as a person. Middle class aspirations may undercut that
which makes the Latino community great.
The spiritual figure is to save the culture from its enemies. Because of the historical influence of the church, perhaps that is where the natural leadership lies. It is the angel who originally alerts Cordova to the dangers facing the town: "Your town is dying," he says. Joe Mondragon is a reluctant champion of change, but when events overtake him, he does what is required, much as the Latino community as a whole adjusts to its circumstances.
This film appreciates the influence of religion in the Latino culture. Religious symbols are powerful communicators: we see crosses planted on the developer's land uniting people into becoming forces of resistance. De Colores, a Spanish folk song associated with the Church, is also sung.
This paper began by comparing the clout, relatively speaking, of the African- American and Latino communities. The former seem to have progressed to the point where a middle class existence is not a rarity either on television or in film. As Milagro and the other films mentioned suggest, that is not the case for Latinos. Will true "progress" be construed as the achievement of upwardly mobile status or by the preservation of a culture steeped in spiritual and familial mythos?
These films had the potential to stir passionate reaction in both the Latino and Anglo communities. The deafening silence since their theatrical run would indicate that their messages did not resonate with those who viewed them. Perhaps it is not the ethnographer who failed. but rather that the lure of "progress" is too much to resist.
Bibliography
"Acting On Commitment". Sojourners. November, 1989:27-29.
"Agenda: "Hispanic Issues are America's Issues". Washington, D.C.: Quadrennial National Hispanic Leadership Conference. ERIC, 1988. ED 306 315.
Aiex, Nola Kortner. "The South American Way: Hollywood Looks at Latins and at Latin America." Kalamazoo, MI: Midwest Popular Culture Association. ERIC, 1986. ED 295 230.
Ansen, David. "Trouble in Miracle Valley: Robert Redford Makes a Feel- Good Fable". Newsweek. March 28, 1988:67-69.
Berg, Charles Ramirez. "Stereotyping in Films in General and of the Hispanic in Particular". The Howard Journal of Communications. 2 (1990): 286-300.
"Census Charts Growing Rifts Between Rich-Poor, Young-Old." Virginian- Pilot. May 29, 1992:4.
Cosandaey, Mikelle. "Combining Entertainment and Education: An Interview With Robert Redford". Cineaste. nl/2, 1987-88:8-12.
Denzin, Norman K. Images of Postmodern Society: Social Theory and Contemporary Cinema. London: Sage, 1991.
"Dropout Rate For Hispanics Is Nearly Triple U.S. Average." Virginian- Pilot, September 17, 1992.
"The Elusive Decade of Hispanics." Cuban American National Council, Inc. ERIC, 1989. ED 320 969.
Healy, Michael. "Real, Unreal Are at War in Redford's 'Milagro"'. Los Angeles Daily News. March 18, 1988. Newsbank, FTV 53:A:6
Herx, Henry. Movie Review. Catholic News Service wire copy, August 3, 1989.
Kauffmann, Stanley. "Stanley Kauffmann on Films: The Bright Sides". New Republic. April 18, 1988:30.
"Stanley Kauffmann on Films: Truth and Inconsequences." New Republic Sept. 11, 1989:26-27.
Kaiser, Ellwood. Telephone interview. September 8, 1992.
Kearney, Jill. "The Old Gringo". American Film. March, 1988:26-31
Lopez, Ana M.. "Are All Latins from Manhattan? Hollywood, Ethnography, and Cultural Colonialism". Unspeakable Images. Ed. Lester D. Friedman. Urbana, II: University of Illinois, 1991.
Montalban, Ricardo. "Latinos in Film and Television". The State of Hispanic America. Vol IV. Oakland, CA: National Hispanic University. ERIC, 1984. ED 255 587.
Rainer, Peter. "Robert Redford's hill of beans." Herald Examiner. March 18, 1988. Newsbank, FTV 53: A4.
Reed, Jr., Ollie. " 'Milagro' Film Makes Author a Hero." Albuquerque Tribune. March 21, 1988. Newsbank, FTV 69:E7.
Steenland, Sally. "Unequal Picture. Black, Hispanic, Asian and Native American Characters on Television". Washington, D.C.: National Commission on Working Women of Wider Opportunities for or Women. ERIC. ED 319 366.
"Top Grossing Films 1990." Variety. Sept. 24, 1990:23.
"Top Grossing Films 1991." Telephone Interview. Woody Wilson. Variety.
United States. Dept. of Commerce. Bureau of the Census Population Profile of the United States 1991. Washington, GPO 1992.